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“These problems are interconnected. In parts of the North, poverty, educational exclusion, and insecurity reinforce one another in a cycle. In the South-East, questions of belonging, inclusion, and perceived marginalization remain part of the national conversation. The South-West too must examine whether education and political sophistication have translated sufficiently into unity of purpose and principled civic engagement”

2027 is Neither the Cause nor the Solution to Nigeria’s Problems
The year 2027 is simply a border to cross, and the crossing of a border does not determine destiny. If we cross carrying the baggage that has weighed us down for decades, we should not expect a different
destination. That is the danger in the growing excitement about 2027. Once again, attention is tilting towards personalities and contest: who will run, who will align, and who will win? But far less attention is given
to the harder prior question: what exactly is wrong with Nigeria, and will another election fix it?
Elections are indispensable, but an election is a mechanism for choosing leaders, not a cure for a nation’s deep disorders. Nigeria has crossed many electoral borders. Governments have changed, but
insecurity, poverty, weak institutions, corruption, educational deprivation, and regional grievances have too often crossed with them. These problems are interconnected. In parts of the North, poverty, educational exclusion, and insecurity reinforce one another in a cycle. In the South-East, questions of belonging, inclusion, and perceived marginalization remain part of the national conversation. The South-West too must examine whether education and political sophistication have translated sufficiently into unity of purpose and principled civic engagement. Every region must look inward and not only outward. Nor can citizens outsource all the failures to the leaders while ignoring the civic culture that produces them. Leaders emerge from among us, not from another society. If corruption is condemned in Abuja and tolerated when it is close to home, the problem is deeper than office holders.

Nigerians need a serious conversation about Nigeria, about the substance and not just the shadow. What kind of federation do we want? How do we intend to live together and build one country? What
reforms, structural, constitutional, and civic are necessary? Otherwise, 2027 will come and go, another government will take office, and Nigeria may find that although it has crossed another border, its baggage has crossed with it.
The challenge, therefore, is not about reaching 2027; it is to decide what baggage Nigeria should leave behind before crossing. A nation that waits for election day to protect its democracy has waited too long. Nigeria’s 2027 general election is months away, but its credibility is already being built. In the first days of October, three signals arrived: the President’s Independence Day address, the national youth confab, and INEC’s stakeholders’ gathering. Together, they point to a simple question: what will be demonstrably different this time? The President spoke of prosperity, and that sets the test that ordinary Nigerians can understand. Show us where prosperity is in food, transport, jobs, schools, power and safety. Stop showing us promises;
show us proof.
INEC’s October 6th moment should mark the start of a public record, and not another reassurance. After 2023, readiness has to be demonstrated and not merely declared. However, the venue optics question is legitimate. The venue for that meeting carries the name of the sitting President. The observation is not an accusation, but a reminder that independence must be felt as well as asserted.
Nigeria cannot put all its democratic eggs in one basket. INEC conducts elections, but confidence is a shared duty.

The youth confab should meet the same standards. Participation is not the same as influence. Who was included, who was left out, what happens to recommendations? These are measurable questions, not
cynical ones. Institutions cannot guarantee credible elections if political actors refuse to play by the rules. Candidates and parties must rediscover the spirit of sportsmanship. An election is a contest and not a war. Somebody will win, somebody will lose. Losing is not a crime, and no political ambition should be worth the blood of any Nigerian.
Another problem is the monetization of our elections. Vote-buying steals freedom. Today’s hunger must not be used to mortgage tomorrow’s future. Those who organize financial inducement must be
confronted, and not just the desperate recipients.
On intimidation, no Nigerian should have to weigh personal safety against civic duty. Politicians who seek the privilege of leading Nigeria must not endanger the citizens they hope to govern.
The women of Nigeria, who bear so much of the weight of the economy, deserve more than sympathy. They deserve the space and the freedom to choose. Their votes must not be purchased, their judgements must not be intimidated. The meal may last a day; the consequence of a vote may last for years. For citizens who intend to withdraw out of disappointment, silence too has consequences. Participation, vigilance, and peaceful insistence on accountability, these are the tools of democratic repair. Civil society must audit early and warn early.

The security agencies must demonstrate measurable neutrality. The judiciary must remain steady and swift, but not become the default cure for avoidable failures. The media has to keep the ledger of promises and return to them. Verify claims across the board; examine official data and opposition rebuttals alike. Political parties must practice what they demand: peaceful conduct, responsible messaging, and internal accountability. The wider moral voices: traditional rulers should protect civic space, work for peace and not partisanship. The clergy should awaken consciences without converting pulpits into party platforms. Encourage reflection on issues but not dictate choices. Entertainers and influencers should use their reach for civic literacy and not for rally stages. International observers, within their mandate, should start earlier than election day, tracking implementation and not just writing postscripts.

Through all this, the voter is the final destination. The task is not only how to vote, but interrogating what has been promised, what has been done, and what remains unproven. This time, the electorate
cannot just show up at the end; they should supervise from now.
History teaches us the cost of waiting, and that prevention is cheaper than cure. 2027 is not a date to await passively; it is a responsibility that starts now. Let Nigeria enter that election with an accountability ledger already in hand, because an election does not become credible only on election day, its credibility is built long before the first ballot.
Nigeria has spent too long searching for the light at the end of the tunnel. The task now is to light the tunnel as we go through with accountability, vigilance, and courage, and not by waiting in the dark.
The work begins now.
God bless Nigeria.

By Samuel Tunji Adeyanju

“Just as being alive is not the same as truly living, a nation can spend decades in the dreamland of its aspirations without ever arriving at the reality of its dreams. That is Nigeria’s dilemma at 66”

At 66, Nigeria can celebrate survival. But survival is not necessarily progress. Just as being alive is not the same as truly living, a nation can spend decades in the dreamland of its aspirations without ever arriving at the reality of its dreams. That is Nigeria’s dilemma at 66.

The number 66 is not merely an age; it is an echo. Nigeria turns 66 in 2026, exactly 60 years after 1966 a year of coups, assassinations, ethnic tensions and a dangerous collapse of trust that helped set the country on the road to civil war. That history is recalled not to reopen old wounds or suggest that 2026 is a repetition of 1966. It is recalled because history is an early-warning system, and prevention is better than cure.

The civil war ended with Nigeria remaining one country and the proclamation of “no victor, no vanquished,” followed by the three Rs Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction. That was an important victory. But winning the war was not necessarily the same as winning the peace.

Decades later, continuing claims of marginalization among some Igbo Nigerians raise a question the country should not be afraid to ask: How complete has reintegration truly been? This is not about accepting every political claim as fact. It is about asking why such perceptions have endured. Reconstruction can rebuild roads and bridges; rehabilitation can restore livelihoods; reconciliation can bring former adversaries back to the same table. But reintegration asks something deeper: Do people truly feel that they belong?

A country is not completely united simply because its geographical boundaries remain intact. Unity must also exist in the consciousness of its citizens in the assurance that ethnicity, religion or region does not condemn anyone to permanent second place.

This is where 1966 meets 2026. Nigeria’s dilemma is not confined to history books. It is visible in marketplaces, on abandoned farms, along unsafe highways and in homes struggling to put food on the table.

The World Bank reports that Nigeria has made progress in restoring macroeconomic stability, but household living standards have yet to recover fully. More than 60 percent of Nigerians are estimated to be living below the national poverty line, while banditry, kidnapping, insurgency and separatist agitation remain serious insecurity challenges.

So, what does independence mean to a farmer afraid to go to the farm? What does macroeconomic progress mean to a family struggling to feed itself? What does citizenship mean to a community living in fear of kidnapping? And what does democracy mean if citizens struggle to connect it with greater security, opportunity and dignity?

Another number therefore deserves attention: 27. Nigeria has experienced 27 years of uninterrupted civilian rule since 1999 the longest continuous period of civilian government in its history. That is no small achievement. But democracy cannot be measured by duration alone. Nigerians are entitled to ask whether democratic longevity has made the country safer, strengthened institutions, reduced poverty and increased citizens’ confidence in elections. The point is not that nothing has been achieved; it is that democratic longevity must increasingly translate into democratic dividends citizens can feel.

Here, the Nigerian university must also look in the mirror. University campuses were once prominent arenas of political debate and student activism. The comparative silence on many campuses today deserves examination. Silence is not always peace; sometimes, it reflects a deficit of political consciousness.

Universities should be among society’s safest places for difficult questions. To teach critical thinking in classrooms and discourage its civic exercise is to educate incompletely. Professors bear a special responsibility. Society accords them unusual intellectual authority, but that authority weakens when it is not matched by a willingness to ask uncomfortable questions. The same obligation arises when academics are entrusted with sensitive national responsibilities, including roles in the electoral process. Their involvement is intended to strengthen credibility, and scholarship itself demands intellectual independence.

Young Nigerians also belong at the centre of this conversation. The National Youth Confab scheduled for 2026 presents an opportunity to hear youth voices. But representation must mean more than geography; it must include diversity of thought. The important question is not merely whether constituencies are represented, but whether independent, critical and even dissenting young voices have a genuine place at the table. A youth conference that becomes an echo chamber would be an opportunity missed.

Nigeria’s earlier campus tradition produced prominent activists and civic voices. That history reminds us that universities remain vital spaces for democratic consciousness not for recruiting students into unquestioning political loyalty, but for nurturing citizens capable of independent thought.

All these threads lead toward 2027: the memory of 1966, the unfinished task of reintegration, persistent insecurity and poverty, 27 years of uninterrupted democracy, the independence of academia and the political consciousness of young Nigerians. They converge around one fundamental question: Has Nigeria learned enough from its history to prevent its mistakes from becoming its future?

The meaning of 2027 should therefore not be reduced merely to which party wins an election or which individual occupies an office. The victory Nigeria needs transcends party and identity: credible institutions, peaceful participation, inclusion and a society in which citizens can believe their voices still count.

And that returns us to 1966. Nigeria in 2026 possesses one enormous advantage over Nigeria in 1966: we know what came next. That knowledge is itself a national resource. Nigeria does not need another wound to discover the value of prevention, another conflict to appreciate reconciliation, another democratic crisis to understand electoral integrity, or another generation of politically disenchanted young people to rediscover the university as a vibrant civic space.

So, what does Nigeria really celebrate at 66? Perhaps, above all, it celebrates hope the hope that a nation that survived 1966 can learn from it; that Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction can deepen into genuine Reintegration; that 27 years of uninterrupted civilian rule can be measured not merely in years but in national progress; and that 2027 will demonstrate learning rather than repetition.

At 66, Nigeria can light its candles and sing its anthem. But history will still ask not merely how long have you existed? It will ask: How much have you learned?

Happy 66th anniversary to the best country in the world. God bless Nigeria and Nigerians.

By Samuel Tunji Adeyanju

“Finally, President Trump, know respectfully that diplomatic praise is customary, but many Nigerians still judge progress by on the ground reality and that tangible improvements matter. To President Tinubu, understand that international praise is not a verdict, and lasting legitimacy comes first from citizen’s lived experience and measurable results. Diplomatic statements therefore should not substitute for evidence of real progress”

The latest signals from Washington sent a mixed but not necessarily a contradictory message to President Tinubu. On one hand, President Trump has praised President Tinubu’s cooperation on counterterrorism, while on the other hand, congress is pressing for measurable security results before aid moves forward. One acknowledges cooperation, the other insists on measurable outcomes. It is important to note that while the President’s praise can shape the administrations diplomatic posture, he does not control the congress. Lawmakers could take cues from the White House, but they also act on their own assessments and priorities. So, it is possible for Trump’s stance to carry some weight, but not decisive weight. As it would be too soon to describe the situation as a stalemate just yet, for now it is more accurate to say that the White House and Congress are emphasizing different things, cooperation on one side, and measurable outcomes on the other. The key implication is one of interpretation. The praise can read as diplomatic recognition of cooperation and efforts from the government, but with citizens still facing violence, it may feel premature or out of step with daily realities. Ultimately for people on the ground, security is measured less by statements, and more by whether their communities actually become safer. As it is difficult to know President Trump’s motives from only just two events, with one as lavishing encomium on the first lady of Nigeria, Mrs. Oluremi Tinubu at a prayer breakfast in Washington on Thursday, February 5, 2026, and the most recent outpouring of praises on the husband President Tinubu.  As a few possibilities though, one is a diplomatic strategy that prioritizes maintaining a cooperative relationship with the government of Nigeria on security matters, another is that diplomatic signaling and domestic public sentiments often operate on different track. To many Nigerians, the timing of the praise may feel hard to reconcile with less insecurity, while diplomacy often serves broader strategic goals. However, the real test is whether any of that translates into tangible safety for ordinary people.

Moreover, what the US House has spoken on publicly centers on religious freedom and civilian protection, rather than the religious composition of Nigeria’s elective ticket. Why that emphasis, one may not be able to assert easily especially without evidence. But we can say categorically that the public focus has been on security outcomes and accountability and not the ticket’s religious balance. Furthermore, an important question raised by recent US statement is not only what Washington emphasizes, but also what it does not. This revelation is a call on all well-meaning citizens of the world to consider the difference between the concern about the structure of the government and concern about the government performance on security. In other words, the focus of President Trump’s public remark has been on what the government does and not how it is composed. His concerns are on whether the government is protecting the people, is it responding to violence, but  with no consideration yet for the possible negative effects of the moslem-moslem ticket of the government of the day regarding  performance on religious freedom, especially when one recalls that President Trump’s comments have placed particular emphasis on attacks on Nigerian Christians and religious freedom, but he has not properly focused on the composition of Nigeria’s leadership. That contrast raises an important question that is begging for answers.

In conclusion, Nigerians need to understand this important reality which affects perception differently, and as we all know, perception affects positioning, and to this end, it is necessary to establish this important distinction. For instance, in the US, lobbying is a legal regulated practice with disclosure requirement and not the same as bribery. For example, many Nigerians associate lobbying with improper influence, whereas in the US, it is a regulated disclosed practice. Whether it is wise or effective is a separate question from whether it is lawful. This understanding keeps the legal fact and the public judgement distinct. In addition, a practice can be legal in one system, and still questioned as a matter of policy or priority. Remember that the 9 million dollars paid by the Nigerian government for that purpose which expired in June auto renews unless the contract is terminated. There is therefore no gainsaying the fact that the second round of the contract has already kicked in. The money is for a registered lobbying firm to present Nigeria’s position to US policy makers.  Explain what the government says it is doing on security and civilian protection and ensures the continued US engagement with Nigeria.  Formally, the money is payment for advocacy and communication and not payment to officials which would be illegal. Nonetheless, a fair policy question is whether spending 9 million dollars that way is the best use of public scarce resources, especially when citizens want to see tangible improvements at home.

With US pressing for better security and democracy, Nigeria still has things to bring to the table. Security cooperation is big, like Intel sharing on terror networks, regional stability and economic ties matter too. At the same, time US wants reforms. So, it is clearly mutual interest but not without its own frictions.

Nigerians should understand the amendment that mandates the Secretary of State to present a concrete and verifiable evidence that Nigeria has performed creditably well in its primary functions which are the welfare of and the protection of the citizens and their property. Statements from one branch doesn’t replace Congress requirements. Even if the President speaks warmly, Congress still looks for its own evidence and whatever form of finding the law calls for. So, praise can be diplomacy, it is not a proof that all the boxes are checked. The Secretary of state is bound by the law and cannot play politics with legal requirements, and that is exactly where the constitutional mechanic kicks in. The Secretary of State is expected to follow the President’s overall policy line, but when Congress signs the certification requirements into law, that becomes the factual determination. So, if the law says; certify that the conditions are met, so the secretary has to accept that standard even if the President’s tone is supportive. In short, the secretary should meet the call grounded in the legal criteria and not simply echoes the praise. That is one of the checks built into the system.

Finally, President Trump, know respectfully that diplomatic praise is customary, but many Nigerians still judge progress by on the ground reality and that tangible improvements matter. To President Tinubu, understand that international praise is not a verdict, and lasting legitimacy comes first from citizen’s lived experience and measurable results. Diplomatic statements therefore should not substitute for evidence of real progress.

God bless Nigeria.

By Samuel Tunji Adeyanju

“It is clear that Britain is signaling attention to the integrity of the process, while the US discussion centers on security and religious freedom. Different focus, but together it means that there is a period of closer international scrutiny on both security and democratic processes”

 The country Nigeria is out of pivotal point with internal strains and external scrutiny converging, and the 2027 elections are shaping up as a major test. Security, credible elections and public trust are the pillars drawing attention from Washington and London. How Nigeria’s institutions demonstrate measurable progress in those areas, would likely shape both internal dynamics and international perceptions in the months ahead.

You probably might have heard that the US House approved an amendment to withhold all aid unless the Secretary of State certifies that Nigeria is taking effective steps to prevent terrorism and to protect communities. Noteworthy is the fact that it is not yet final law, for still needing to pass through all the legislative process including the Senate. Nevertheless, some effective steps that can be taken include, demonstrable protection and accountability rather than ending terrorism overnight. However, ongoing attacks especially the recent attack on a community in Benue where more than 20 people were killed, could make that harder to demonstrate. Here a few factors converged, continued concern in congress about persistent attacks on Christians, a shift in US policy directions and priorities under the current administration, and a sense among some law makers that past engagements haven’t produced any hope for changes. They seemed to reflect frustration with the status-quo. They attempt to use leverage more than a direct response to Nigeria’s elections calenda.

Earlier this year, the UK said in parliament, that it is closely monitoring Nigeria’s preparations for the 2027 elections, and plans to deploy election observers and work with Civil Society Organizations and INEC, and just days ago, the British High Commissioner met INEC to reiterate that the Uk is monitoring and wants to understand INEC’s preparations. It is clear that Britain is signaling attention to the integrity of the process, while the US discussion centers on security and religious freedom. Different focus, but together it means that there is a period of closer international scrutiny on both security and democratic processes. This is something to watch closely, and not a verdict on the election outcomes by itself.

However, the recent controversy surrounding the alleged Presidential Foreign Intervention Promotion Council, headed by Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi Mathew who is now detained by the ICPC, and the reported death of a young woman, Mary Habilla, linked to the house of the minister of works, Senator David Umahi, have brought transparency, accountability, and public trust back into focus. The alleged fake agency episode matters not just because of the conflicting claims around it, but because it raises systemic questions, specifically, how a body later described as non-existent could reportedly gained some form of official recognition. That points to possible gaps in administrative checks and highlights the need for stronger safeguards, regardless of where the faults land. The second incident, involving a death under circumstances that have drawn public attention, presents a different challenge. Without clear and timely public information in a sensitive matter, speculation can flourish and trust erodes even before any findings are made. In such cases, the expectation is for a process that is demonstrably thorough, credible and prompt, one that can establish facts and reassure the public. Taken together, these episodes show that credibility depends not on the conduct of the individuals, but on the robustness of institutions and the openness of the official response. In a democracy, public confidence is sustained when due process is visible, communication is clear, and the rule of law is seen to apply evenly. How these matters are resolved may shape not only domestic confidence, also international perception.

There is no gainsaying the fact that Nigeria is faced with a tangle of multiple overlapping issue; insurgency in the Northeast, banditry and kidnapping in the Northwest, communal conflicts in the middle belt, and separatist tension in the Southeast. When several crises overlap, even real efforts can feel invisible if institutions and resources are stretched thin. That is not to say that nothing has been done, but that the scale of the problem keeps outpacing the responses so far. That is why outside pressure sometimes enters the picture. The interplay between local realities and outside pressure is messy. At this point, it is not as if Nigeria has no options, but the options are tough. The argument is strongest when backed by evidences and not just assurances. Therefore, the most realistic path may be to produce verifiable results, clear investigations, protection for high-risk areas, and transparent cooperation that outsiders can verify. If the security picture does not improve, the diplomatic case is hard to make, but not impossible. Those kinds of internal issues matter because they can affect public trust in institutions. Allegations around a non-existent agency receiving funds, or a high-profile death linked to the official convoy raise questions about transparency, investigation and accountability. Without presuming outcomes, it becomes part of a broader test whether institutions can respond credibly and as a part of governance and public confidence dimension, vis a vis security and electoral credibility. It is less about any one allegation, but more about how institutions handle such tests. For a high level advice, I keep it all to principles; demonstrable actions on security and accountability, transparent investigations when controversies arise, and a strong and credible electoral process going into 2027, with clear communication to citizens and partners. The emphasis here is on verifiable steps and public trust rather than rhetoric.

Ultimately, it is up to Nigeria’s institutions and people to define that path, by rejecting the moslem-moslem ticket of Tinubu and Shettima as a first step to proving to America the seriousness about efforts in the direction of ensuring religious freedom. It is important also, to refuse the renewal of failure of the All Progressive Congress Party (APC) and their directionless leader, Bola Ahmed Tinbu, that Nigerians may breathe.

The sudden withdrawal of the American soldiers from Nigeria and the plan to sanction Nigeria on security matters, is a testament to what is hidden behind the veil which the ordinary Nigerians cannot see with their naked eyes.

God bless Nigeria.

By Samuel Tunji Adeyanju   

“Despite the possession of an array of competent southern candidates, a fractured approach risks handing advantage back to the ruling party. If the opposition unite, acknowledging the historical South-north power sharing agreement, they stand the chance to harness the national dissatisfaction. A unified opposition can present a credible reform-minded opposition, challenging the ruling party’s lack of performance”.

Even the blind can attest to the fact that the political terrain of Nigeria is dangerously slippery, and those in power who keep denying the reality of what Nigerians face daily especially in hunger, insecurity, banditry and all other forms of criminality, should be asked if they need to be blind to see.

Nigeria’s political terrain is deeply rooted in a complex historical balance between the north and south. Since independence, the country has often cycled through agreements to ensure power sharing with the tacit understanding that after a northern presidency, the south would be allowed to complete its term. This balance gave way to a delicate rotation, and yet in recent years the political equilibrium has been strained. In the current climate, the ruling party has strategically leverage northern paradoxes. The opposition governors once aligned with parties like the PDP or Labour have been corded through patronage or subtle pressure, drawing them toward the ruling fold. The situation has been further compounded by the allegations that INEC, the supposed neutral umpire is subject to bias and the allegations of rigging and manipulations have eroded trust in the electoral process even before 2027. Amidst these, the stakes for the opposition cannot be higher. Despite the possession of an array of competent southern candidates, a fractured approach risks handing advantage back to the ruling party. If the opposition unite, acknowledging the historical South-north power sharing agreement, they stand the chance to harness the national dissatisfaction. A unified opposition can present a credible reform-minded opposition, challenging the ruling party’s lack of performance. In this crucial moment, unity is not only strategic, it is a lifeline for a Nigeria ready to reclaim its democratic promise.

After spending three years in office since 2023, the unresolved problems by the Tinubu administration remain and the issues are; security crisis, economic crisis and youth unemployment. Despite efforts, violence from bandits and insurgents still plagues the north, while the rising cost of living due to fuel subsidy removal and inflation have left many Nigerians struggling. Healthcare access is also a problem with the mass exodus of medical workers abroad and the overall trust in institutions and government continuing to erode, leaving many Nigerians disillusioned. The ruling party at this juncture, needs to recognize that if they continue to fail in addressing these core issues; security, economic hardship and healthcare, they risk a total erosion of trust. Nigerians are increasingly disillusioned and if they don’t see any real solutions, the risk is that the opposition would not only gain ground, they might ignite a broader popular movement that pushes for real change.

However, with the ruling party’s resistance to reforms by manipulating institutions like the National Assembly, the Judiciary, and INEC, citizens need to stay fully engaged through active mobilization, keep demanding transparency, and holding leaders accountable. By so doing, they can push back against attempts to suppress the democratic process. The people really have the power if they stay organized and remain vigilant. Moreover, to prevent the repeat of the hijack of power as experienced in 2023 in 2027, there is the urgent need to partner with the existing elections monitoring coalition like the Nigeria civil society situation room, leveraging digital tools on social media for youths’ mobilization and collaboration with women’s groups like the Nigeria Women Trust Fund.

The excesses of the security agencies can be checkmated by strengthening oversight body, ensuring legal protection like constitutional rights against arbitrary arrests and engaging a civil initiative that monitors misconducts. Citizens can also use freedom of information tool and build community policing partnership to foster trust and accountability. As Nigerians stay engaged, they should also focus on long-term reforms. They should keep voting, demand for accountability and community resilience, so that even if there are setbacks, they are not completely left powerless, because the future really depends on collective actions.

On a final note, Atiku Abubakar, your years of service are undeniable and have become part of Nigeria’s history, but the future of Nigeria now calls for new energy, fresh vision and unity. The nation is at a turning point, and by stepping aside, you would be remembered not for a final defeat, but for your greatest act of statesmanship, passing the baton and ensuring a united Southern leadership. Let this be your legacy of hope. Better to be remembered as a builder and king maker, than a spoiler and destroyer. God bless Nigeria.

By Samuel Tunji Adeyanju

“Let us unite across faith, class, region to ensure that Nigeria’s future is not stolen from us. Imagine a Nigeria where leadership is accountable, where opportunities are not stolen by a few but shared by all. A nation where education is genuine and youths have a voice, and where justice prevails. That Nigeria is possible, but we have to choose it NOW and together”.

Nigeria currently stands on the edge of a precipice. Today across the country, citizens wake up with the daily reality of uncertainty, economic turmoil, political repression, and a crippling fear that their voices no longer matter. Under President Tinubu, what began as hope has now spiraled into frustration. Yet in this despair, a familiar voice called resilience rise. Across Nigeria despite uncertainty and frustration, ordinary citizens are finding ways to resist, through their courage, solidarity, and their quiet determined hope for a better future. Resistance you may wish to know is a collective intentional effort by ordinary people to push back against oppression. It often starts like small acts like a single protest, students’ gatherings and community meetings. Once it stays consistent, visible, and connecting across groups, using every tool, whether it is digital, cultural or direct action, until it gets to the moment it grows strong enough to create the real change. In the face of Nigeria’s long history of hardship and struggle, especially since 2015 when the All Progressive Congress Party (APC) took over power from the former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan of the Peoples Democratic party (PDP), with the former President Late Mohammadu Buhari in the saddle and Bola Ahmed Tinubu as the National leader of the party, until he succeeded Buhari in 2023, each moment of struggle has carried the seed of something greater. Today we stand in a crucial point, a moment of suffering that can be transformed into a movement of unity. As Nigerians, we are called to rise beyond pain and build a future defined by resilience, hope and collective action.

In 1973, General Augusto Pinochet led a military coup that ousted a democratically elected president in Chile. Under his rule, the country saw brutal repression, thousands were arrested, disappeared or killed. Year after year of resistance, student’s movement, labour strikes, and international pressure, dictatorship crumbled and democracy was eventually restored. In the Philippines, Ferdinand Marcos ruled as a dictator for above two decades, and imposing a martial law in 1972. During that time, the regime was marked by widespread human rights abuses and corruption. In 1986 after a mass uprising, people powered revolution peaceful protests spanning weeks, he was forced to flee. Marcos was originally a civilian who was elected president in 1965. Overtime though, he seized more power and imposed martial law and became a dictator. So it was that shift from a civilian leader to authoritarian ruler that defined his regime. In Chile, Augustus was a military officer, and he led the coup in 1973 as a general. He ruled as a dictator using the military to entrench his regime. Protest began in pockets, at first with student’s groups and labour unions. Overtime, these protests grew, people organized into brands, spreading across neighbourhoods, and used international support. Key moment of the massive national strike and the defiance of the Artists, kept the movement alive. Eventually, the pressure became so great, that the regime began to slip leading to a referendum in 1988 where the people voted him out.

In Tunisia in late 2010, December to be precise, it so happened with Mohammed Bouazizi, a young street vendor man in his early 20s, who lived in a small city of Sidi Bouzid in Tunisia. He came from a humble background and every day he would set up a small stand on the street selling fruits and vegetables and he was the primary bread winner of his family, his mother and siblings. On that day in December 2010, a municipal officer confiscated his goods, claiming he didn’t have a permit. In that moment after being humiliated and feeling powerless and no one listened to him, he walked to a nearby square and set himself ablaze. That sparked mass protest and within weeks the movement which was later called the Jasmin Revolution toppled President Zine El Abidine, ending his 23 years dictatorship. From there Tunisia became the first Arab spring success, ushering in a new democratic system. With the examples of the successes recorded in the Philippines, Chile, Tunisia and South Africa, leading to the end of Apartheid, all of these show that when people stay committed and organized, they really can bring about massive change within a few years or as soon as the situation demands. Persistence grinds an iron beam into a needle.

In Nigeria, there are several active resistance movements. For example, the hashtag protest against bad governance and hunger erupted in May 2024, driven by young Nigerians frustrated with economic hardship and governments failures. The Nigeria Labour Congress is also playing a key role linking labour rights to broader demands for accountability. In Niger Delta, environmental justice groups are continuing decades of resistance against oil extraction. These movements though different, share a spirit of resilience and a help for change. To harness the energies from these movements, just like the civil rights movement in the United States or the resistance movement against Apartheid regime in South Africa found a unifying principle, in Nigeria it could be a shared focus on economic justice or youth empowerment. Something that affects everyone regardless of region or profession. Once we have that one unifying demand, which could be the security of lives and property, a fair government or true democracy, we can align our strategies, amplify each one’s voice and create a really sustained movement. Note that the role of the media in this equation is crucial and indispensable. They are to connect those dots. By consistently telling those stories, they build a bigger narrative, and people see that despite different causes , they are all fighting for something bigger, and that can be a catalyst for unity and a sustained action.

There is no gainsaying the fact that Nigeria is in a precarious situation as made possible by the directionless administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his retrogressive party, APC. The most disappointing part of it all is the degree of the desecration of the Temple of Justice, the judiciary, an arm of government which ordinarily should be the last hope of the common man, but now the seller of justice to the highest bidders. In political cases, one predicts easily where the pendulum of justice swings especially when the ruling party officials are involved. That accounts for why it is extremely difficult if not impossible to practice true democracy in Nigeria.

It is important at this juncture to rethink Nigeria back to the path of rectitude, stability, and greatness. This positive development is possible by voting out of power Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his cohort in 2027. Nigerians are called upon to be circumspective especially regarding the 2027 elections and those that would be asking for our trust, especially the sitting president, Tinubu. Nigerians should look at the patterns, from his drug allegations in the United States, certificate scandals, to the fraudulent tactics he used to seize power in 2023. Nigerians also should not forget in a hurry, the case of the fake bishops used to garner support for his moslem-moslem ticket. These are not just personal failings, but a blueprint of deception. It is also concerning; how much damage has been done to the country’s democratic structures by the Tinubu administration. To this end, if we allow him another term, we risk losing the remaining progress made since 1999 which was when democracy returned at the commencement of the fourth republic. Let us unite across faith, class, region to ensure that Nigeria’s future is not stolen from us. Imagine a Nigeria where leadership is accountable, where opportunities are not stolen by a few but shared by all. A nation where education is genuine and youths have a voice, and where justice prevails. That Nigeria is possible, but we have to choose it NOW and together.

View the whole world and with impartial eyes, consider and examine all that rise. Weigh well their actions and their treacherous ends. How greatness grows and by what steps ascends. What murders, treason, perjuries, deceits, how many fall to make one monster great?

God bless Nigeria.

By Samuel Tunji Adeyanju

By reviving Tolu Schools, he symbolically bridged decades of delay, showing that government can respect history while pushing for modern future.

Thursday, April 9^th, 2026, marked a historic milestone as Tolu Schools Complex was officially commissioned in Lagos, Nigeria. Originally, founded in 1981 by the visionary Lateef Kayode Jakande, the first executive governor of Lagos state. That expanse of complex now spans around 11 hectares in the Ajegunle district. Hosting 36 schools within, Tolu schools complex serves over 20,000 students, embodying a legacy of excellence in education. The complex features modern classrooms, parks, sporting facilities like football pitch and courts, as well as specialized ICT hub, science labs, and vocational workshops. There is also a well-equipped fire service station. It was designed to be a large centralized educational hub in a densely populated area.

The Ajegunle kingdom, often known as the historic community is located in Lagos Nigeria, and it has deep root in the region’s ethnic and cultural history, often associated with the Awori people and other sub-Yoruba groups. Overtime, Ajegunle had evolved from a small fishing town into a densely populated urban area, known for its vibrant culture, music scenes especially in the realm of Afro beats and its resilience. Despite being known for its overcrowding, it is a place rich in innovation, entrepreneurship and community spirit. Ajegunle is such a microcosm of Nigeria. Despite its vibrancy, it faces significant challenges, including over crowding and the lack of basic infrastructure like consistent water, sanitation and stable electricity. Youth unemployment is also a major concern and crime rate can be a challenge due to economic pressures. However, the community is also known for strong solidarity in spirit with many grassroot organizations and local leaders working to drive change.

Now that a clear picture has been painted about the host community to the Tolu Schools complex, it becomes necessary therefore, to dive into the symbolism of the gigantic project, and possibly also, interrogate those factors responsible for the abandonment of the Tolu school project for decades after its commencement in 1981 by the Lagos state government, under the watch of the visionary Lateef Kayode Jakande as part of his mass education initiative. Recall that the land that houses the Tolu schools complex, was actually reclaimed from the Lagos lagoon area. So, was once a marshy to undeveloped part of the city, and the government filled and levelled it to create space for the school and other development projects in the area. The Tolu schools complex are really symbolic, for they represent a beacon of hope, education, and opportunity in a place that faced systemic neglect. Tolu schools gave many children from Ajegunle who otherwise might not have had access, a social mobility. In that sense, they became a cornerstone of educational empowerment and a symbol of hope for generations in the community.       Worthy of note is that, the delay in completing the Tolu schools project was due to several factors.

The project sitting on about 11.7 hectares with 36 schools was ambitious in scope. After starting under Lateef Kayode Jakande, in 1981, progress stalled for decades due to funding gaps, shifting priorities, and the complex nature of the environment. Recall also, that after Jakande left, between the return to democracy in 1999 and now, in 2026,3 governors had governed Lagos before Mr. Babajide Olusola Sanwo-Olu came on board, and during whose time the project was completed and commissioned in 2026. They were Mr. Bola Ahmed Tinubu, 1999 to 2007, Barrister Raji Fashola, and Akinwunmi Ambode. These passed through Lagos, prioritizing the minor and neglecting the major in the order of priority. The absence of Mr. President Bola Tinubu physically at the unveiling of a project of such unparalleled magnitude and unprecedented in value and nature, was premeditated, and an eye saw. It was also, a political calculation and not surprising, for how could he have been able to withstand the daring and the no nonsense Lagos crowd, especially those who refused him their votes in the 2023 presidential elections, and who had on other occasions, sang for him the popular song of, “We Are Hungry”.  He knew very well that had he shown up at the event, he would have had himself prophesied to about his looming waterloo in 2027, as well as have a song composed for him, praising and placing Governor Sanwo-Olu’s achievements over his, like the case of David and Saul in the Bible.

Furthermore, with the completion and commissioning of the Tolu Schools Complex by Mr. governor, Babajide Olushola Sanwo-Olu within his second term, what stands out about him is his deliberate focus on continuity and legacy. He did not build infrastructure for self-aggrandizement and ego, rather, he tied it to a broader vision of urban renewal and inclusion. By reviving Tolu Schools, he symbolically bridged decades of delay, showing that government can respect history while pushing for modern future. Looking for and needing a clarification on the distinction between knowledge and wisdom, contribution and commitment, and belief and faith?  Travel no further, here is the wisdom that works, and which makes faith without works dead. Think also of the eggs and the bacon. The chicken makes the contribution, while the pig makes the commitment. Similarly, just as one can be rich and not blessed, one can also believe and not have faith. Faith is not believing, but acting what you believe. It follows therefore, that, as it is possible to believe and not have faith, in the same vein, no one can have faith, and not believe. Moreover, Governor Sanwo-Olu’s rear combination of acknowledging past issues while being bold enough to reprioritize long term investments, that sets him apart. So, in that way, he is not just a successor of the previous leadership, he is actively redefining what it means to govern in Lagos State.

The benefits of education cannot be overemphasized and are pivotal to any meaningful developments. Education is the backbone of nation building. It shapes citizens, empowers them with skills, drives innovation, and create a more equitable society. It is a fundamental investment for any nation for on time success. However, prioritizing education, making a selection from a scale of 1 to 10, and with 10 being the most desirable. Normally, education should be on a 10, in a technological driven nation, because innovation, competitiveness, and even sustainability, all depend on the resolve for rethinking education. For instance, education, be it at the primary, secondary or tertiary level, builds the foundation for knowledgeable and skilled workforce, including economic growth in innovations and long-term national progress. The benefits of the Tolu School Complex also, especially to the community include, the school provides assessable quality education, keeping the kids engaged, and giving them a real sense of purpose. For Lagos state, it means, a stronger talents pipeline, more skilled citizens ready to contribute. To the nation, it is a building block for long term innovation, economic growth and overall national resilience. Socially, a clustered school setup like the Tolu schools complex, provides a really vibrant social environment where students from different background interact, build networks, and thereby fostering a sense of community. However, in terms of security, having a clustered can concentrate resources, better monitoring, safer facility, and it is a more structured environment for everyone. Specifically, in the Tolu schools complex and being a clustered setup, security benefits come from shared infrastructure, such as centralized security personnel, monitoring entry and exit points, using even tech like CCTV and biometric assess. Because many schools are clustered together, it is easier to coordinate a social response. Interestingly, the Tolu Schools Complex model of a cluster model can be a game changer especially in the parts of the country that are more vulnerable and with a high rate of school abductions. The model provides a safer environment with less vulnerability, and giving students and parents more confidence in their safety.

On a final note, and if education is the best legacy as many believed, therefore, the actions and inactions of Governor Sanwo-Olu’s predecessors especially in matters of educational developments, only speak to one thing, which is the lack of compassion and empathy, especially for the down-trodden in our society, and the more reason why the country Nigeria in the hand of one of them as President Tinubu, is at the brink of collapse. No one can give what he does not have, and what one does off the job, is a determiner of what he does on the job.

The preservation and sustainability of the Tolu Schools is critical, occupying an important place just as its foundation. To preserve this legacy and maximize the benefits, the government needs to ensure consistent funding, making sure the school is part of budget allocation, providing infrastructure support and policy backing. The community on the other hand, needs to stay engaged, regularly supporting the school, volunteering, and also holding leadership accountable. It can really be enduring if they work together. Maintaining high quality teachers is crucial and to this end, the government and school leadership need to invest in regular training, professional development, and incentives to keep teachers motivated, and the community can also play a role. By recognizing and valuing the teachers, you create a culture that really supports the sustenance of quality education and for a long time. According to Epictetus, “be careful to leave your sons well informed than rich, for the hopes of the informed are better than the wealth of the ignorant”.    

God bless Nigeria.

By Samuel Tunji Adeyanju

However, as a safeguard, African leaders as a matter of necessity and urgency, should focus on strengthening regional institutions like the African Union (AU), so they can set terms for cooperation, build stronger local governance, diversify economic partners, and stay vigilant about trade and aid agreements, ensuring that they prioritize sovereignty and long-term developments over short-term gains.

On March 25, 2026, a historic resolution was passed by the United Nations General Assembly, officially condemning slavery as the gravest offense against humanity. This landmark declaration serves as a powerful reminder of the enduring legacies of the impact of slavery and the ongoing need for justice, reconciliation and remembrance worldwide. The vote was 123 in favour with America, Israel and Argentina voting against, and 52 countries abstaining. This was significant, because it was the first time slave trade was legally framed as a crime against humanity. One important lesson to learn from history, is that history does not die, and that no matter how long the night keeps, dawn will break, and the abandoned rag under your cupboard, may be useful on a rainy day. The question that agitates the mind is how did humans get to that point of dehumanizing fellow humans, turning them into mere commodities for sale. Even though the period when the heinous crime was committed was described as the Dark Age, was that suggestive of total ignorance of God or were there no any noticeable stronger force, or were there no sky, sun, moon, seas and all the powerful works of nature that naturally command the attention of man? It is heartbreaking to note that the driving force into slave trade was rooted in dehumanization and economic greed. Slave traders and colonial powers saw people as commodities and objects to be exploited for labour especially in the Americas, and that mindset was really enforced by racial ideologies that justified them as achievement. At that time, the motivation for slave trade was both financial and moral corruption.

The Trans-Atlantic Slave trade lasted for about 4 centuries, beginning from the mid 1500 continuing into the 1860s. So, it had been roughly for 360 to 400 years with the peak in the 1700s and in the early 1800. Although, the legal ban started in the 1800, illegal trading continued until the 1860s. There is no gainsaying the fact that, describing the Trans-Atlantic slave trade as the gravest crime against humanity, is apt, especially because of its shared scale and shared brutality. Millions of people were uprooted, dehumanized and treated as property. Families were torn apart, cultures erased, and the psychological trauma is carried through generations. Suffice to say also, that the trade wasn’t just a commercial enterprise, it was a systematic extermination of dignity and humanity. Wait a minute, is it not the same pattern of systematic extermination of race, dignity and humanity that the African countries especially Nigeria are witnessing, in the forms of terrorism and banditry? Why are the African leaders not putting the blames, especially about the seemingly intractable insecurity problems, at the appropriate place, which is the doorstep of their former slave and colonial masters. Since I was told that the devil rebelled against God and was cast down to the earth, I have not been told anything different that alludes to his repentance.  When we talk about the idea of the deradicalization of terrorist, kudos to some African countries that are trying the experiment even though it is bad and has not yielded any positive results. How much of the understanding of the Bible they brought to assuage us with, have they in themselves? Whereas, that was the greatest reparation that man can ever get anywhere in the land of the living. They may not think of it as such a big deal, other than a bait. Hence, they gave it all and lost it all. This accounts for why you cannot find a Christian terrorist in Nigeria. However, majority of them from the Christian countries, being one of the nine (9) countries with nuclear capabilities are also super terrorists. To this end, now they need it, knowledge about the fear of God, which is the beginning of wisdom, more than we do. The wickedness of man to man is unquantifiable. Moreover, since it is impossible to build something on nothing, it follows therefore, that our cherished democracy which is a system of government copied from the former colonial and slave masters, was built on the legacies of slave trade, and if that be the case, what should be expected, and what can be done after the foundation has been destroyed? Remember also, that it is not falling into water that drowns, but lying in it. Democracy as practiced on the legacies of slavery, with weak institutions and serious security challenges, is a cheap gateway for the modern colonial masters to come in and further infest the ground with insecurity. Often, super powers promote democratic ideals as a soft power, framing themselves as the champions of freedom.

Also, in practice, they sometimes use democratic language to push for strategic interests like securing resources, maintaining political allies. So, while democracy is the rhetoric, the underlying goals can still be about influence and control. However, as a safeguard, African leaders as a matter of necessity and urgency, should focus on strengthening regional institutions like the African Union (AU), so they can set terms for cooperation, build stronger local governance, diversify economic partners, and stay vigilant about trade and aid agreements, ensuring that they prioritize sovereignty and long-term developments over short-term gains. This brings to fore the question of whether if one’s head is to break, better to break in one’s hat or others. Fellow citizens of the world, Africans, and Nigerians, this is food for thought. It is there in the political philosophy of the framers of the United States of American constitution, who in the words of James Madison famous federalist No. 51, “organize the government in which ambition must be made to counteract ambition. Or, if men were angels, no government would be necessary”. Augustine in trying to make a comparison between the city of God and the city of man, in the city of man whose characteristics are a complete opposite of the city of God, he aims to show that in the city of man all human relations are ultimately relations of power; “because I do it with a tiny craft I am called the pirate, because you have a mighty Navy you are called an Emperor”. From the above analysis, Nigerians may now review the most recent visit of president Bola Ahmed Tinubu to the United Kingdom and score him accordingly.

To all well-meaning Nigerians, both at home and abroad, including the vibrant Civil Society Organizations, Labour Unions, Professional bodies, Great Nigerian students and all well-wishers, all shall rise up to the occasion and do all that is humanly possible, and within the ambits of the law to stop the second term ambition of Bola Tinubu for President in 2027, to free Nigeria from the shackles of Neo Colonialism.

In conclusion, this important question is for you and I to ponder on; “To what extent am I and others motivated by an urge to dominate, to impose our will to subjugate others?”  A borrower is forever a slave to the lender.

God bless Nigeria

By Samuel Tunji Adeyanju